Cultural Relations between Germany and Iran and its Impacts on Intellectual Movement in Iran

Cultural diplomacy is one of the tools of public diplomacy that governments are trying to attract people from those countries before attracting other governments; among different types of modern diplomacy, including public diplomacy, media diplomacy, and educational diplomacy, cultural diplomacy has a special significance. During the Qajar era, the German government began a consistent and expansive cultural activities in many countries, including Iran, by understanding the international structure affected by the two powers of Russia and the United Kingdom, as well as the proper understanding of the power of cultural diplomacy. In this paper, we try to answer the following questions: Why did the German government, contrary to its rivals in Iran, the British and Russian governments, define their foreign policy on the basis of a cultural approach? How has this cultural relationship affected the Iranian intellectual community? In response to these questions, we can state the following assumptions: “The German government is aware of the fact that in traditional societies such as Iran, cultural diplomacy based on religious feelings and religious intolerance is higher than any political and economic motive, and that this type of diplomacy is not confronted with the opposition of the two powers of Russia and Britain”. “Iranian-German cultural associations have been influential both on Iranian intellectual activists and those acting with religious backgrounds and those with stronger nationalist tendencies”.


Introduction
Cultural diplomacy is one of the tools of public diplomacy that governments are trying to attract people from those countries before attracting other governments. Today, in academic circles, public diplomacy and its sub-collections, such as cultural diplomacy, are defined as a set of strategic planning and educational, cultural and informational programs by a country to influence public opinion of the target country (Stunz, 2004: 184). Because the use of culture and the use of cultural instruments in diplomacy has many advantages over other tools and levers in international relations. First, exposure to less resistance in societies and target countries is one of the key benefits of cultural diplomacy. Because culture and cultural instruments in many cases target the unconscious of the target audience and affects the deep layers of his mind with an intangible delicacy and subtlety. Second, the lack of cultural diplomacy in a hostile and authoritative way, along with the greater attractiveness and subtlety of its actions, and thus targeting the mind and spirit of the audience, are among its other benefits. Third, cultural diplomacy provides a better opportunity for a more serious presence and more opportunity to play a more effective role by informal actors, civil society organizations and non-governmental individuals and legal entities. This adds up to the scope of manoeuvrability and the scope of the impact of cultural diplomacy in comparison to traditional classical diplomacy. Fourth, cultural diplomacy is further sought to discover, intuition, define and promote shared and universal values and interests, and then to provide national interests within the framework of shared values and interests. Fifth, cultural diplomacy can be used as a basis for more and better mutual understanding between countries. In addition, over time, the establishment of deep and lasting cultural relations between countries, and this deepening can even extend to the political and security field. Sixth, cultural diplomacy can be designed and implemented in comparison to classic diplomacy with creativity, flexibility and even more opportunism in many areas. The combination of the characteristics of cultural diplomacy along with Iran's place in the nineteenth century colonial rivals on the one hand and the great influence of Russia and Britain on the other hand led the German government to conclude that cultural diplomacy is more effective than political diplomacy in Iran.

I. The intellectual relation and cultural connection
The issue of cultural communication in its various dimensions, both direct and indirect, will have an impact on the intellectuals of the two countries. Intellectuals who, by virtue of the above, migrate to the country in the form of a cultural link to the country of destination and seek to study or indirectly through the embassy or representatives of that country, books and publications and specialized texts affect cultural communication. In this section we are faced with the impact of cultural relations on "intellectual activists." The way to establish a cultural relationship between actors is to create an intellectual discourse that can be influenced by bilateral cultural relations here. Intellectuals engage in discourse-based forms of cultural affairs, such as publication of an issue, or the formation of associations and intellectual groups (Mack Beride, 1996: 225).
The Iranian intellectuals' orientation towards Germany and its allies during the last years of the Qajar dynasty was a natural reaction to Iran's national humiliations and its degradation to a subordinate and even colonial government on the part of the two major enlarged powers, Russia and the United Kingdom. Many Iranian scholars in the early years after the Constitutional Revolution in Iran saw the relationship and unity with Germany and looked at it with great goodwill. The cooperation of the Ottoman Muslim government, the fatwas and the declaration of jihad between the religious leaders and the ideas of the Islamic alliance on the one hand, and the lack of colonialism of Germany on the other hand, along with its power in Europe, has been strengthened the tendency towards Germany and the disgust of Russia and Britain among the Iranian intellectuals. Wilhelm Leiton, one of the German diplomats who was active in the years after the consultative revolution in the German Consulate in Tabriz, wrote about the German descent of the Iranian people's friendship: "I was in charge of political duties in Iran and, as is usual in neutral countries, our duty was to prevent the hostile country's direction toward the enemy and even to bring that country to its place. But in Iran, having such an opinion was completely wrong, because Iranians had so much bitter history of Russia and Britain that they were pro-German without any propaganda" (Samavar et al., 2000: 98).
The hatred of Britain and Russia was so pervasive that even the simplest sections of the Iranian society, which seemed to have little knowledge of politics, reacted to it. As an example, some of the writings of Abdollah Mostofi in the Qajar periodical social history, which in fact describes his memoirs, can be mentioned: "... On Friday nights in the courtyard mosque of Abdul Azim, the population of a thousand people who were less despotic, constitutional and moderate, and democrats, after the resurrection ceremony, when the clergy of the congregation prayed and walked from the path of Allah, he advocated the destruction of both governments. Thousands with unparalleled unity, said Amin" (Mostofi, 1982: 288).
In response to this reaction, the behaviour of the people of Tehran in an amusement to the German ministers is an audible story. Mirza Abulqasem Kahal Zadeh, secretary of the German embassy in Tehran, writes in his memoir: "…From the gate of Abdul Azim to the city center, people on both sides of the streets celebrated their arrival and shouted: Long live the Imperial Islamic Empire of Germany. The country's press also talked to them and wrote the goodwill of Germany towards Iran with a favourable definition" (Kahal Zadeh, 1989: 68). In this way, the feelings of German friendship reach their peak among elites and masses of Iranian society. In the same way, the praise of Germany in the Persian literature also finds its worth. Adib Nishabouri was the first poet to say poetry in support of Germany. He chanted the epic poem of "Qaisar Nameh", in which he praised the bravery and courage of Kaiser Wilhelm II and his commanders, as well as the will and determination of the German people and their right to friendship.
Democratic fraction, have been in constant contact with diplomats at the German embassy in Tehran and consulted with German representatives on decisions made in Parliament (Ahrar, 1973: 210).
In addition to this apparent cooperation, German diplomacy also benefited from the effective contributions of the group that were members of the Iranian-German secretariat. Fan Kardov, one of the German agents, created an organization based on the Prussian Revolutionary Organization, which organized the committee's central committee every Tuesday night at the Iran-Germany School (Ibid).
The German agents set up various committees in different parts of Iran to coordinate promotional campaigns against the Allied Committee that of course, nationalist ideas also influenced their formation. But the fact that the emergence of these committees coincided with the influence of Germany in Iran in the summer of 1294 Shamsi (1915 Lunar), and with the disappearance of this influence completely disappeared from the political scene, it fully illustrates the full attachment of such committees to Germany. As long as the German financial support was not discontinued, committees have acted fruitful. These committees were mainly formed along the axis moves German toward the West and Afghanistan, namely the southern axis of Qasr-e Shirin, Qom, Isfahan and Yazd. One of the important aspects of the activity of the committees, irrespective of their size and shape in different regions, was to create the ground for the coordination of the intelligence and operation of the rioters and the anti-Allies revolt (Safiri, 1985: 47). The Southern Union, which was headed by the important Persian conscripts, in close cooperation with the committee of Isfahan and Kermanshah, also cooperated with the committee of Shiraz. The main task of these committees were to concentrate protests and popular discontent caused by the hardships of daily livelihoods and attribution to the Allies in Iran, as well as to fuel intense national sentiment against the Russians and the British (Ibid). The support of intellectuals by Germany was followed by the founding of the Berlin Committee, which was followed by the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs' material and spiritual support, and reached its peak. Taqizadeh says in his memoir book about how he communicates with the agents of Germany: I was in New York for nearly two years. One day a letter came from the post. I opened it and saw that was from the German consul in New York. It was a time of war. We were too pro-German and anti-Russian and anti-English. Not only I but all Iranians who were there, including the Afshar. The console had written to me that he wanted to see you. He said to me: Would you mind to go to Germany? We had a great deal of interest in Germany. The Iranians saw Germany as the Prophet David, who came to save them. We'd bust for Germany without having deal with them. I said I will gladly go, but go what I'm going to do there. He said: "So good, I'll tell you." The truth is that the German government has captured many captives from France, Britain and Russia. There are many Muslims from Algeria to Tatarstan and India. Muslims were separated from other prisoners. For example, of the twenty thousand captives, they separated the Muslims and had compiled them and wanted to propagandize Muslims. Because they were brought by the British or French government to the German war, and the Germans wanted to turn their hearts back and forth, and that they would benefit from German friendship and hostility with a government that dominates them. For that work, they wanted people with penetrative speech. I said there is no obstacle, but what about my spend. He said: we'll pay you (Taghizadeh, 1993: 181).
In this way, in this period, Germany became the centrepiece of Iranian intellectuals, and many intellectuals residing in other European countries also went to Germany. People such as Kazem Zadeh Iranshahr, Purdavood, Qazvini, Mahmoud Khan Ashrafzadeh from France; Ravandi, Saadollah Khan Darvish, Jamal Zadeh and Nasrullah Khan Jahangir from Switzerland; and Ismail Amir Khazi and Nourbi from Turkey migrated to Germany during this period. These people constitute the main base of the Berlin committee and work out at there. According to Taghizadeh's activities that all expenditure has been financed by the German government (Ibid, 185).

B.
These efforts once more boom that stories about Islamic friendship of the German nation and becoming Muslims of the Second Wilhelm broadcast among the people. According to Gerantuski and Dandamayf, at that time, many Iranians thought that the Germans were fighting for them with Russia and England (Gerantuski and Dandamayf, 2006: 410) and called Wilhelm II Kaiser not only Muslim but also called him "Haji Wilhelm" (Sayks, 2001: 623).

II. The German and the act of Iranian intellectual
Intellectual action involves factors such as thoughts, actions, and interactions that engage the intellectual in dealing with the community. Intellectual action at any time has its own shape and style. Hafez, Molavi, Ferdowsi, Beyhaghi have been prominent intellectuals on their own time. In their days, they were publishing poetry and literature with knowledge and critique of the status quo, and other ideas and thoughts. In the contemporary era, intellectual action includes symbols such as writing, publishing newspapers and films, making films and plays, products such as this kind. But in the historical period studied in this article, it has been one of the main intellectual activities of the publication. The publication of numerous press releases in the course of this period may be regarded as one of the most significant German communication effects on intellectual activity in Iran. Kaveh is somehow one of the most significant publications of this period. The publications that were published after Kaveh or at the same time were: Iranshahr Magazine by Kazem Zadeh, Farhangestan Letter by Moshfegh Kazemi and Science and Art Magazine, all of which were published in Berlin. It can be said that Kaveh belongs to the first generation of Berliners and other publications related to the second generation.

A. Kaveh
The arrival of Taqizadeh to Germany should be considered as a turning point in his political life and, consequently, the intellectual flow of Iran. The publication of the Kaveh newspaper in Berlin should be one of the most important developments in the migration of Taghizadeh to Germany. This period coincided with the disillusionment of many constitutionalists with current developments in the country. During the First World War, Kaveh was published by Taghizadeh under the supervision of the National Defence Committee as a political publication aimed at strengthening nationalist and anti-Russian sentiments and in agreement with Germany among Iranians. One of the reasons that Taghizadeh has chosen the Kavyani flag as his journal's inscription was that Taghizadeh believed that the Kavyani flag should be placed with the Lion and Sun sign as Iranian national badge. Because he believed that the antiquity of the Kavyani flag, unlike the Lion and Sun, reached to before Islam (Marashi, 2008: 21).
The first number of Kaveh that Taghizadeh called it the newspaper, was published on Monday, 18th of Rabi'Alaul 1334 Lunar or January 24, 1916. Kaveh's publication is divided into two periods in terms of printing. The old period and the new period, in which the old period is divided into four years. The first year of issue from 1 to 17 that was released every two weeks; The second year of issue from 18 to 24, which was published every two weeks; The third year was from 25 to 33, which was published every two weeks, and the fourth year from 34 to 35, which was published every two weeks. The new round is divided into two years: the first year, from 36 to 47, was issued 12 issues each month, and the second year was numbered 1 to 12, and each month 12 issues were issued. Kaveh was a political publication coinciding with the period of the First World War, with much of its content favoring Germany and its allies (Ottoman, Austrian, and Bulgarian). With the end of the World War, Kaveh abandoned his political and literary-cultural content. During this period, articles on ancient Iranian literature and history were published. It was in these articles that many of principles of Taghizadeh's political and social beliefs clearly announced (Azizi, 2006: 15). The cost of editing and publishing this magazine was on the hands of the German government, and this was the identity of the political / cultural subsidy (Behnam, 2008: 220).
Kaveh magazine had a modern look at the community issues. A famous statement from Taghizadeh, published in the first issue of the new Kaveh period (January 1920), is also analysed: Iran should be apparently, inwardly, physically and spiritually became European-oriented. During that period, this sentence drew attention of many intellectuals in the society and some by repeating this statement somehow turned it into a proverb. Some people not only called the west world as a source of bluster, frailty and corruption in every part of the world, but also called Taghizadeh as a "westernization" harbinger and condemned him. Taghizadeh explained about that sentence in his collected papers in Volume 3, page 141 announced: "Of course, we want to be European-oriented but we never want to become European".
Kaveh's most important influence should be considered in the translation movement of thoughts and opinions of Orientalists. Among the journals and the Persian journals, Kaveh was the first to criticize and introduce European books and published some of the most authoritative books of Orientalists as "The Best Writings" by Jamalzadeh. Taghizadeh Taqizadeh remained a nationalist in his articles in Kaveh and this nationalism and frustration from the constitutional revolution led him to even demand a tyranny for Iran's work. This mentality can be seen in young people of the second generation who were studying in Germany (Ibid, 226). Thus, in Berlin, two groups were created: the old generation, which was supporter of a powerful and centralized state, and the second group of leftists. In other words, the Berliners of the first generation of Iranians believed in enlightenment, constitutionalism and nationalism, but the second generation turned to communism and Jacobinism. The people who were in Berlin, considering the situation in the world and the emergence of tyrannical regimes like Mussolini in Italy, and major corrective actions to bring about the situation in the countries, urged some thinkers to create a competent dictatorship familiar with the global situation for the salvation of Iran.

B. Iranshahr
Iranshahr magazine, named after its editor, Hossein Kazemzadeh Iranshahr, is another member of the constitutionalist periodicals and thinkers. Iranshahr, in Mehr 1293 Lunar, on the recommendation Qazvini by Professor Edward Brown, the famous East expert, was invited to Cambridge University to teach Persian language. He had not been in Cambridge for two years, but responded positively to Hassan Taghizadeh's invitation to travel to Berlin and the formation of a "Millennium Iran" committee and immigrated to Berlin. Iranshahr narrated from that era: "We spent several weeks in Berlin with Mr. Taghizadeh and other Iranian freedom-activists who talked about how to begin and what steps should be taken to ensure that the Iranian nation is under the influence of Britain and the Russians who split Iran between them and left almost a foolish government in Tehran that would rule and reign, and to regain their political freedom and independence. After a lot of consultations, I went to Tehran to negotiate with the heads of the Democratic sect, encourage them to cooperate, and with their help and their efforts, the gendarme of Iran, which then was the only military and defense force in Iran, with Together with their national destiny, they set up a defense front against the Russian and British troops to take control of the government, declare the Russian-British treaty, and declare the freedom and political independence of Iran" (Kazemzadeh, 1984: 176).
Following this decision Iranshahr went to Tehran, and with Democrat leader Solomon Mirza to negotiate the above, and published a publication called "The Road to Succession". He writes about his trip to Tehran: "When foreign forces arrived near Tehran, Muharram was the month of Muharram, and people instead of thinking about themselves and the future of Iran, attempted their own chest for the incident of Karbala without threatening their fate" (Ibid, 187).
Iranshahr, along with other liberators from Tehran, went to Qom and Kermanshah; he was detained in Kermanshah with several other liberators and released after several months and returned to Berlin. Life in Berlin is the beginning of a new era of political and cultural activities of Hossein Kazemzadeh Iranshahr, thus becoming one of the most important personalities of the so-called Berlinias. He was in Berlin, together with Taghizadeh, in the management of Kaveh magazine and the leadership of Kaveh Society.
After the closure of the Kaveh magazine, and despite the insistence of Professor Brown on his return to Cambridge, he decides to stay in Berlin for all his problems and to serve the expansion of culture for Iranian society as much as he can. He believed that Iran's social problems had strong roots in cultural poverty. With the goal of opening the Iranshahr bookstore in Berlin in 1298, he published the Iranshah Monthly from 1301. This monthly magazine produced many readers in Iran, Afghanistan, India and many other European countries.

III. Germany and intellectual discourse in Iran
The dominance of the power of traditional discourse during the Qajar period led to the creation of discourses and sub-dialogues that were developed in response to traditional discourse and indeed as a resistance to it. The widespread cultural influence of Germany, due to the expansion of its relations with Iran during the post-Constitutional years, was the basis for the formation of many dominant discourses in this period.

A. Discourse Archaism
Aristocracy was a new phenomenon that emerged from the late Qajar era in Iran's culture, society and politics, and some of them considered new components for the modernization of Iran, and they believed that "Aristocracy or Archaism was considered as a new component for the modernization of Iran. And seeks to reproduce a new order in the social, cultural, and political thinking by restoring and reviving ancient and traditions and beliefs and based on the ancient traditions of the modern cultural and social infrastructure" (Sadr Hashemi, 1985: 83).
As stated in the section on the Kaveh magazine, accepting and promoting archaeological thought can be considered as one of the goals of the publication of this magazine. The goal that the publication of it sparked from the beginning. The Kaveh's archaeological approach is well known from the name it was chosen for. The publication's name, "Kaviani Magazine", is also an affirmation of this issue. In addition, the selection of the role of the Kaveh Blacksmith's uprising role on Zahak Dam, which kept all its numbers, is also confirmed by this claim. Kaveh's archaeological discourse can be examined in two stages. The first step of this magazine's view is that this stage of the discourse should be said that at this stage, Kaveh's activists aimed at revival of Iran in the face of the presence of Russia and Britain in the country towards anti-Semitism. As in the first issue of the newspaper under the logo, there is an editorial titled "Beginning" that begins with this verse:

Who want Freidun/ stop from Zahak
Contrary to the expectation, after mentioning the above mentioned banner, all the articles in the two pages of the magazine refer to the issues of the day and the occupation of Iran by the Allies and the damage caused by it, and it is only at the end of this article that the author after the wish that "He did not lose his national spirit, and with a passionate and gentler movement, once more, he would rise up against the Russian dragon and eradicate the root of the oppressive tyranny (Taghizadeh, 1993: 1). Paid to ancient Iran and write in explaining Russian dragon: dragon in Persian and Ajdahak in Pahlavi and Ajidahak in Avesta was as the same devil character and snake face. That defined Zahak in Arabic. And according to the Avesta and Pahlavi books Dinkard and Bundahishn and apart from osprey was a giant demon nature of evil creatures and demons which was the body of a snake and a human face (Ibid).
And again, with the same anti-Semitic approach to publishing, he continues: "In the hope that we can hear the voice of the descendants of Iran, who in every corner of the world, are paying attention to the time of today and screaming to publish this leaflet of assistance and Timna named it Kaveh. Unfortunately, not found Freidun. And Iran's uprising against the enemies are only related to the government. And finally a shout that rise the famous country, eminent star, the earth of …and the frontier of the kings, rise that the minor overthrow you and your traitor children want to eternal shame on your face. Dirty people are going too occupied in your limit. North devil in the territory of angles burgle. Arise and lift up your Kavyani flag. And demonstrate the masculinity of your brave man to the world. Arise and the Kavyani was in the night of the sun, the world was hopeful of him. Arise and once again the hope of Iranian race reach to true that the fate not become well. Return to us the hat of elderly (Ibid).
This procedure goes on in the next issue, and in this issue, in an article titled "Iran's Historic Days" after writing about the unfavorable situation of the country and the resistance of the Iranian people against the alien forces, he writes to persuade the people to continue this resistance: now three months that fighting between the God army and devil fight exists. Now the spirit of the great Daryush from the above Bisoton Mountain to the Kermanshah war stage and Hamadan is concerned. Iranian race should show that the Tehran representatives are not his real representative. And Iranian sprit and jealous and bravery not died yet (Ibid, 3). In the same number in another article entitled "the task of today" again by referring to the need for unity of people against the allies and destruction of the country in the absence of the popular unity writes: yes, this is the fate of Iran and this is certainly the sympathetic final of Kiyan and Sasan government if the Iranian do not hesitate to work and not join to the national rescue army. In the third issue, he also states in the position of the interim cabinet and the position of Tehran and the central government: "Now, the best representatives of Iran, the elaborate and summary of the knowledge and belief in Iran, in the domain of Bishtun, in the harbor of Ahuramazda, from the eye of history, from the top of Darius's inscription, they are worried and the evil tribunal, whose disgrace in the Damavand ranks in the shadow of Zahhaky's oppressive whip, is spreading their betrayal". Against this approach, there is another viewpoint in Kaveh's archaeologist's perspective, which focuses on cultural dimensions and does not have political affiliation. However, sometimes this attachment to ancient Iranian culture becomes a land of anti-Semitism in the later periods -the Pahlavi era. An example of this is going to come. But about the third dimension of archaism of Kaveh newspaper should have said that attention to the Iran's culture before Islam in the fight against the occupiers from the first numbers of the magazine can be seen. In the first number of the magazine after the editorial, a paper from Uskarman from the German East expert with the title of "Kaveh and the Kavyani flag" has been printed and with a tone together with praise begging to introduce Kaveh and he is introduced as a national uprising that through foreign generation (Arabs) abolished from Iran and from the Iranian pure race, seated Fereydun on the throne. Independence Ayaren (Ibid). Then in the third number of the fifth year of the publication an article will be printed by the title of "Balshvysm in ancient Iran". This paper was written by Mohammad Ali Jamal zadeh and about the Mazdak and Mazdakian movements. The remarkable note in that are determining and matching the Mazdakian movement with movements on that days. As Jamalzadeh in this two part article believes that we see the same events and the principles that we see today by the title of Bolshevism in the Russia and in two other countries of Europe i.e. in Hungary… appeared from the German nations and dispersed almost in one thousand four hundred years ago in Iran we see ourselves in the midst of despotism of Sasanian as ruler of a quarter -century. It can be said that as much as history shows us, the first emergence and socialist way in Iran and the first socialist person in the world the Mazdak is Iranian that the aim of this paper is describing his history. Besides, this paper is continued in the numbers of 4 and 5 of this magazine (Ibid, 4). Continuation of archaism in the first period of this publication of these articles can be found within the lines of these papers. Nuruz written by Dr. Kayger German experts of Iran (Ibid, 5), the main (and old) Shahnameh (Ibid, 6), a letter from Sasanian era, Tensor letter (written by Seyed Mohammad Ali Jamal zadeh) (Ibid).

B. The Discourse of Nation-State
The Berlins were innovative in a number of fields and influenced the developments of the Iranian society. They criticized the social status and discussed issues such as nationality, identity and its relationship with the state in a new way. They introduced new philosophical and social ideas to Iranians. And they paid special attention to the issue of language and examined the state-national theory in the Iranian political framework. In the last years of the Qajar dynasty, Iran's problem was that it was virtually a state without a government. In the quadruple of the country's tribes, local militants and revolutionary movements were magnanimous. The speeches of the Berlins intellectuals believed that it would not be possible to resolve the problems of the country only by the departure of Einaldullah and the coming of Mushir al-Dawlah, by coup and revolution and by changing the political power of the country. As long as people are prisoners of ignorance and superstition, social and civil society cannot expect that the spirit of commitment shaped. And the various group of people prefers long-term national interests to short-term interests. Taghizadeh and publications of the period have not called the civil society. But their words are that "People are aware of their rights and duties" and without a "mediating institutions" reforming society is not possible.
Hence, they considered "public education" the most important step forward. In the way of the formation of a powerful state, a powerful nation, Mozzafz Kazemi, in Farhangestani's letter, was so desperate for the reform that the dictator was committed to the cause of social progress, while Kaveh's article in the article on the idea of "despotism" was a well-meaning but oppressive government which denied civilization through the use of force and violence, and argued that even if the emergence of such a person is not desirable and beneficial.

Conclusion
The first motive for establishing a relationship between Iran and Germany was introduced in 1850 at the request of Amir Kabir with a reformist motive. At that time, Amir Kabir sought a powerful third-party government that would establish political relations with Iran without any colonial expectation. But this did not matter to the outbreak of the First World War. World War I was an important milestone in the cooperation between Iran and Germany against Russia and Britain. Germany tried to organize Muslim nations, including Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan, against the United Kingdom through the organization, management and use of money and weapons, and thus, with the opening of the south, the Soviet power was forced to fight for direct war with Germany. Slowly Iranians, either in the formation of the ruling board or among civil society, sought a power that would help them to maintain their independence and development, so a season that would affect the relations between the two countries began.
Iran-Germany relations, although at the beginning of the cooperation, its military and economic aspects occur, but over time, with the establishment of the Berlin Committee, it takes on more cultural dimensions and deep and influential relations are established between the two countries. In the meantime, these communications, as described in the previous sections, have had a huge impact on the intellectual flow of Iran. In short, it can be said that the cultural relations of Iran and Germany have had an effect on the activists of the Iranian intellectual movement, whether activists with religious backgrounds or those with stronger nationalistic tendencies influenced the actions of Iranian intellectuals.