Social and Political Consequences of Reza Shah’s Acquisition

In this research, the effects and social and political consequences of the acquisition of land and property by Reza Khan have been addressed. The importance of the issue was due to the small amount of ownership of property and land, and consequently the change in the social and political relations of previous landowners and the replacement of Reza Khan's trusted individuals. The main issue of this research is the explanation of some social and political events in the field of land and property acquisition. In this regard, the role of taking possession of property in advancing Reza Khan's autocratic thoughts on the diminution of religion in social life, as well as the weakening of the power of the constitutional and opposition leaders of Reza Khan has been explained. The result of this study was the wideranging consequences of the acquisition of land and property in the social form of people's lives and the transformation of the social classes on the basis of Reza Khan's ambitious policies. This form of appropriation has changed the course of government and parliament besides it came to the end of a decade that led to the power and influence of the politician in favor of Reza Khan.


Introduction and Problem Statement
Land and agrarian in the historical periods of Iran-before the advent of the oil-based economy-is an important indicator in explaining the level of political power of governments and recognizing the status of social classes and people's lives.Accordingly, the transformation of large owners based on historical events has had a profound effect on the social and political functions of governments and peoples.In this regard, it should be noted that the importance of land and landlords in Iran is due to the agriculture-based economy, besides that the social power and social status of finding land and landlords was due to the possession of a complex irrigation network in the driest regions of Iran.Therefore, the landlords were the familyrelated and court-related individuals; who could have succeeded in maintaining and building canals, dams, construction and excavation of gullies and irrigation networks.
That's why governments and kings were the greatest landowners in Iran.The issue of the landlords is important in terms of its necessity for the survival of the state in Iran in different historical periods until the reign of Pahlavi II, and as such, and landlords have played a prominent role in the social and political classes.The same has happened in Iran during the rise of Reza Khan, and according to these conditions, Reza Khan adopted issues that were more hostile and sometimes neutral.The significance of Reza Khan's actions about landed class is that he was not among their class and took ownership of land to gain power.
Accordingly, in the political viewpoint of ownership in the period of Reza Khan, it can be said that the land tenure in his period was in accordance with the territorial policy of the court and the parliament and the laws that were ratified.
The parliament was acting as a legal advocate for Reza Khan in the land of euphoria, and wherever there was a problem in seizing property.The Parliament passed the bill provided by the Minister of Finance by adopting a law on the reinstatement of Reza Khan's insatiable possession in usurpation of land and property.Accordingly, in this paper, which addresses the issue of political and social consequences of land ownership and land acquisition by Reza Khan, it is worth noting that the acquisition of land and property of the preconditions and consequences outside the routine of society and political form Iran has arrived.

The quantity and land estate owned by Reza Khan
The importance of paying attention to the quantity and land estate owned by Reza Khan in explaining the consequences and their impact on the political, social and scientific analysis is based on the quantity of the research.It should be noted that the analysis and explanation of the social and political situation in Iran is qualitative and it may be that the analysis in these fields is accompanied by prejudices that are far from historical realities.Therefore, the principle of the quantitative and wide range of these assumptions can lead to qualitative analyzes and explanations of the effects of these assumptions on social and political issues.
The cash capital of Reza Khan has been estimated at over 3 million pounds at the time of the abolition of the monarchy, and more than three million acres (each acre equal to 4047 square meters).According to an another claim, 44 thousand villages of the parish and village blocks and about 85 million pounds of his savings account at the Bank of England and the National Bank of Iran that was more than 85 million Tomans.Of course, this property and wealth, in addition to hundreds of hotels, guesthouses, factories, villas and workshops, was called Reza Shah's (Amidi Noory, 2002: 344).Another report states that the wealth of Reza Khan by 1940s was 68 million Tomans and 3 million jeribs of land, except for factories and companies, and shares in other companies (Foran, 1998: 3).According to a document from the Alawi Foundation concerning the statistics of the villages and rangelands of Reza Khan and their location in 1941, the number of these properties and lands was 6,126.According to these statistics 499 properties in Mazandaran and 1132 rangelands in Mazandaran, 678 rangeland estates in Kojur, 1560 estates and rangelands in Tonekabon, 438 estates and rangelands in Amol, 177 estates and rangelands in Noor, 260 estates and rangelands in Ashraf, 533 Rural estates in the west, 548 rangeland estates in Gorgan, 38 rangeland estates in Khorasan, 1 property and rangeland in Farah Abad, 30 rangeland estates in Varamin, 5 estates and rangelands in Zanjan, 14 estates and rangelands in Damavand, 19 Rangeland estates in Qazvin, 9 estates and rangelands in Savojbolagh and 185 estates and rangelands in Bojnourd (Lembeton, 1950: 455;Etelaat newspaper, 1942: 3896, p.1).

Social consequences of small property owned landowners
According to a report on the status of distribution of land ownership before land reform in Iran, 56 percent of the land in Iran before the year 1941 was held by large owners, of which 33.3 percent owned more than 100 acres of land.Small landlords constitute 10-12 percent of the land, royal lands about 10-13 percent, land belonging to the endowment 1.2 percent and state lands 3.4 percent of the total land area of the country.It appears from this report that the fundamental trend of land ownership in Iran has been particularly prominent in the ruling regime of Reza Khan.If we look closely at these other figures in this regard, it can be seen that Reza Khan has obtained a significant amount of 44,000 civil registers through compulsory lords and major landlords.If the numbers of land purchased from various tribal nomads are also added to these statistics as large landowners, the rate and percentage will increase significantly.In the beginning, it was necessary to pay attention to the definition given to the petty landowner to distinguish between the property of the master and the minor.
Khosravi writes that the petty owner refers to someone who has between 2 and 10 hectares of land (Khosravi, 1981(Khosravi, : 1360)).During the Reza Khan's life the petty landowners were not the same and depended on landlords, fertility and the amount of water, the way of cultivation, and the distance and proximity to the cities (Ibid: 137).In this period, the amount of land tenants' income from the land was sufficient to cover their initial salaries, and their situation was slightly better than those who were in a state of land and worked for a lord.In the Reza Khan period, he also took ownership of these properties from the petty landowners.
The list of purchased and assimilated properties in the three regions of Gilan, Mazandaran and Gorgan is so much that paying attention to their number requires another research.To understand the extent of these takeovers, the consequences of these acquisitions should be considered.One of the signs and implications of the consequences of taking ownership of privately owned properties can be seen in the work done at the Coastal Property Office.The extensions of these properties were in the three regions of Gilan, Mazandaran and Gorgan, which were assigned to seven employees.In these seven workplaces, seven official notaries were established, issuing a document of purchase of property from the people and the peasants and petty owners of the property in the name of Reza Khan (Noory, 2005: 28).The cost of regulating the official document and other expenses of any kind, which was sold at approximately the same price as the value, was the responsibility of the seller.After the transfer of property, nothing remained in their hands, and only from that moment, they became Reza Khan's peasants (Derakhshani, 1986: 266).
In the western part of Mazandaran, with the actions of Hassan Hariri, the head of the Kojur and Klarshtagh real estate administrations between 1928 to 1932, some of the proprietors who refused to sell their property at a low price were seized.Shortly after being detained in the Qasr prison of Tehran while being deprived of their livelihoods, they were deported to Kerman and Bam, Shiraz and other cities in September 1932, and their estates were taken hostage (Yousefinia, 1992: 585-586).After the purchase of land, the owners and owners of the land were considered as private property and used as landowners on the land, Bakhtiari writes in the following terms: "This is the exploitation of farmers after taking the lands from their possession.At night, they took them to the stables, they removed them in the morning like a cattle.The subjects were hungry and naked.If one of them had expressed boredom, the drug and food were whipped up as far as it could and get rid of the ruthless agents.In addition, people's honor was a plaything in the hands of the heads of real estate" (Bakhtyari, 2005: 25).

Modernization and its impact on the lives of small landowners and peasants
Any kind of construction in a private estate, without any remuneration, was borne by the property of this estate.This forced labor often took farmers away from them and prevented them from doing their main job, causing total loss of product.For this reason, low-yielding farmers, at the time of harvesting, get the product from the field, they would have to pay for ownership, and nothing left for them (Derakhshani, 1986: 270-271).An example of this forced labor can be found in the construction of houses known as the Peace Houses.The construction of these houses was one of the greatest misery and suffering for the living and living conditions of the Reza Khan real estate.In the proprietary estate, each household was pressurized by the government to create a rural home for itself, according to a plan that was given for jobs, and receive a hundred Tomans.After that, since the land in general belonged to Reza Khan and a hundred Tomans were paid from the property fund, so it was as if the buildings built instead of belonging to the villagers were Reza Khan's properties.
While the cost of these houses was less than four thousand Toman, the villagers had to pay the rest.Instead of benefitting from the proprietary properties of the villagers, they were used to build up private properties, and worse off by borrowing and spending their savings on building these homes.Of course, people have denied this in their memories, including those mentioned by Hedayat Allah Sha'bani, son of Ali Akbar Shabani, who was the head of special estate.He considers this kind of forced labor from the villagers in the construction of a peaceful home in the form of a mischievous attempt by Reza Khan's enemies to undermine his actions in Iran's prosperity.He says that in Mazandaran since the ancient times, every citizen who built the house for himself, other people helped him in building the house.Using the same tradition, farmers were forced to make unpaid work in their own village houses, and in addition to renting construction materials from their homes, one hundred Tomans were donated to each rural household as a building aid (Shabani, 1973: 91).But it should be noted that what happened in the construction of hundreds of houses was something other than rural traditions.Because in this situation the villagers instead of helping each other in building their houses, they built houses that were subsequently seized by Reza Khan for any excuse, and they were solely responsible for the construction of Reza Khan, and there were no statutory rights to these properties.
The situation was such that there were no property in Mazandaran to be named Reza Khan, and all of these properties were set up by the workers of Reza Khan Sind.The sequel to these assumptions, which had a great impact on the petty owners, was to force the members of each area to pay a mass appeal to the employer before making a deal, so that they expressed their argument for the sale of real estate to Reza Khan!According to Brigadier, the situation was such that there was no "cost" in any of the seven working offices in northern Iran.It was only the revenue department, which received revenues from all the wealthy resources of Mazandaran and Gorgan daily.This issue was such that at the end of the Reza Khan's life, the countless countryside and the very special fields of rice, cotton, tobacco and cotton plants, brass knitting machines, tea making, boarding houses, guesthouses and beaches, etc. has been documented in the name of Reza Khan (Derakhshani 1986: 243-245) and the people at there as peasants had no property rights on their land.
The subject of modernization can also be seen in the issue of eliminating traditional architecture and culture.As the owners of Tehranians, like the northern territories of the country, in addition to handing over a large part of their real estate, were forced to destroy their homes and instead construct better buildings at their expense, which was planned by the planning commission.This forced and massive destruction of old houses in Tehran and other cities that were ordered by Reza Khan and replacing them with modern buildings was also a kind of destruction of Iran's cultural heritage.The modernization included the cutting down of old and rough trees that shadowed across Tehran's streets, and because of the expansion of the streets of Tehran to build the bay, it was necessary to cut them down (Majd, 2010: 98).
Another example in the subject of renovation and its pretext for occupying property can be considered as an excuse to build a road.Reza Khan uses various excuses to seize land and property.For example, in the late days of his rule, he has been buying real estate on Shahreza Street.The incentive to buy these real estate and land has been explained as follows: "The incentive to buy was due to the fact that because of the Shahreza street in the name of Reza Khan, Reza Khan asked to give this honor and blessings to the people of Tehran, and offered to have the whole house real estate on both sides of this street.It should be noted that the approximate length of this street was about four kilometers from the beginning of the statue field and ended at the gate of Shemiran.The first purchases of land on this street were shopping for the municipality's café and garden (Past is the light for future, 2014: 880).
According to analysts who have carried out research on land acquisition and real estate in Reza Khan, his unanimous opinion on the impact of these changes on social, economic, and even demographic characteristics of these areas, especially the northern regions of Iran, can be pointed out.The changes made to road construction, urban change, the construction of new cities, the establishment of factories and the arrival of immigrants in search of work, as well as the formation of a widespread organization called Specialized Property Management, which changed the relationship between owner and farmer in these provinces (Noory, 2005: 19).
According to Reza Khan's orders in 1941, eighty engineers were sent to the Khawr Tarbiyar real estate mapping office in Kojur, Chalarshtab and Tonekabon.Following the completion of the mapping the following year, at the behest of Reza Khan, a number of military and adjutant, and a colonel came to Nowshahr, summoning all the proprietors, the prominent figures of Kojūr, Kārarshtak, Tonekabon and Syar Sadeq The names of these people are mentioned here to better understand the breadth of this proclamation.Malek Marzban, the head of the building of the road Chalus, the sons of Mirza Davood from the clan of Darwish, Abul Qasem Kodiry, Mirza Ibrahim Khan and his sons, Mirza Mohammad Khan, his nephew, Salat Fateh Kalaji, Nabi Khan, Rafi Khan, Mohammad Khan, Mehdi Khan Khojand, Mirzahsan Khan and Ali Naqi Khan and Ibrahim Khan Kialashki, Sheikh Yaghoub Salehani, son of Imad-al-Islam, and from the villages of Kelarstagh Yazdani, Hatami, Ghaffari, Mirza Ali Naqi and Husseinquli Khan Cia Lahouti, Tayyaf-e Faqih, Hajji Mirza Yahya, Abdullah Khan Zohari, Imam Friday Rankokhi was summoned to Noshahr along with many Khan, Mullah, Sayyid, young and old man.After they arrived in Noshahr, they were arrested and sent to Rasht after a few days of imprisonment and investigation about the number and amount of property and land, and after a few days there he was imprisoned in Qasr prison, where he was transferred to Tehran.After four months of imprisonment in Qasr prison, according to orders from Reza Khan, the commanders did not have to return to their provinces, many of them were deported to Kerman and Bam.For example, Abdul Ali Moqadid Faqih and all relatives and Ayaleh, as well as Yazdani, Hatami and Ghafari were sent to Bam to seize their lands and land.Diasularies and Salar Fateh were sent to Zanjan and Khorram Darreh, and Mirza Aliinaghi and Hosseinaghli Khan Lahouti went to Hamedan.
Nabi Khan, Rafi Khan, Mirza Hassan Khan and their relatives and Sheikh Ya'qub and others from Kojori went to Kermanshah.Mohammad Amin Malek Marzban and Abdollah Khan Zahiri were deported to Malayer and resided in Baghdad.Eventually some of these people were the only property to be resettled (Notes of Mohammad Amin Malek Marzeban, p.14-17, quoted from Noory, 2005: 20-21).
Regarding the modernization, the verbal replication of Manouchehr Sotoudeh, visited by Kelardasht in August 1937, referring to the construction of the road on the occasion of the visit of Reza Khan to those parts of Marzan Abad, from regiment Kojur to Kelardasht writes: "The workers used the road for retirement, and a lieutenant in Hassan Kay, the court inspector of the kingdom.Some people who have been displaced to His Majesty's Highness are known as the Immigrants among the residents of this place, whose Majesty killed some of them and captured some, and some of them were taken to Kerman and Bam, and Narmashir or Yazd, or the south coast of Iran exiled".He writes about the tyranny of the people of those areas: "The people have died and become distressed by the pressure of the agents of the king or of himself." These modernizations have led to various types of taxes being leased to special estate agencies and forced labor by farmers who were once the only landowner to land in Land Reza Khan.One of the reports about proprietary revenues describes this as follows: "Every citizen sitting in a village sitting in a jersey of blue and cotton, has to give up on his expense within fifteen days.Either the peasant or his family, and his children, and those who cannot be forced to work, and they should take charge and go to work for themselves.It's a forced labor to use tea or tobacco or a rural building or brick and lime" (Library and Documents Center of the Iranian Parliament, 12-43-41-81, quoted from Noory, 2005-406) .The scope of these revenues and forced labor was such that their scope during the last years of Reza Khan's rule was limited to all economic activities such as farmland, grassland, corn, livestock, coal burning, sandstone, grinding, brick sales, Lime, grapefruit, vegetable, market, sugar cane, rock, sand, crayfish and so on (Iran national library and archive 230-554, report to imperial court accounting Department 1941/7/15).In a letter that the second lieutenant Darwish Kajuri from Kojur's owners brought about these forced laborers, he writes: "... these beautiful and elegant buildings are visible along the side of the road, all the bombery hands of the Mazandranani are bayonet and forceful, it is made free of charge and is colored with the blood of their hearts, the best witness to the grieving of all men and women, large and small" (President of the Documentation Center of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 13-37-39-363).

Property acquisition and the effects of immigration
Immigration is therefore one of the consequences of the acquisition of property, which has been seized by the construction of several factories in these lands, and many migrants came to Mazandaran to supply them with manpower.Migrant workers were mostly from Azerbaijan.
In the first wave of migration, people from Azerbaijan, Damghan and Semnan came to Mazandaran.Although many people came to Mazandaran for the first time, they began to build a railway, but with the follow-up of the factories, a second wave of migration to Mazandaran began to work in the factories (Noory, 2005: 276).Most of them stayed at there.Some of these people and most of Azerbaijanis also worked in underwater coalmines.The consequences of these migrations were compulsory forced migrations from Gilan to Mazandaran to work on land owned by the Real Estate Agency (Documents Organization of the Islamic Majlis, 230-254).In the case of Azerbaijani immigration, the existence of work in Mazandaran and the lack of employment opportunities in Azerbaijan, as well as the expulsion of many Iranian nationals in Turkey since 1935, were due to the enactment of the law of monopoly and restriction of jobs in Turkey, which they were sent to Mazandaran (Bayat, 2000: 14-18).

Iran
The results and the strange effects that the acquisition of land and property by Reza Khan in the northern regions of Iran has been the promotion and empowerment of the Tudeh Party and its affiliates to the left ideology.This has happened while some scholars have said that Reza Khan's motivation to seize land and property in the country is to prevent Soviet influence in those areas.The great consequences of the formation and influence of the ideology of the left and the masses have so much in the history of Iran that it is very important to address this issue and discover its relationship with the acquisition of real estate by Reza Khan.
On the one hand, it is possible to point out the social consequences of the course of these acquisitions, it has been indicative of Reza Khan's motives for taking over and without planning in his so-called modernization project, whose political consequences overwhelmed Iran's history for many years to come.As it was said in sections related to the effects of land acquisition on migration to northern areas of Iran.Many people who lived in the Caucasus and Central Asia were informed by the Soviet government in 1937 that if they could continue to function as a Soviet citizen, this would have led to the expulsion of Iranian nationals from the Soviet Union's borders to Iran.The first immigrations began in the fall of 1937 and lasted for two years.These immigrants arrived in Iran from the borders of Azerbaijan and Gilan and Khorasan.These were the people who were employed to work in factories, mines and railways.This issue and the use of these immigrants was so high that Reza Khan in December 1938 ordered that the service of all immigrants be stopped at government offices and offices.
But at that time, many of them were in work, and after September 1941, these immigrants became an arena for action.Anvar Khomeini, one of the leaders of the Tudeh Party, writes about this: "Several dozens of them refused to accept the Soviet citizenship and came to Iran, many of whom settled in Azerbaijan, some went to Mazandaran, Gilan and elsewhere."These people, despite the teachings that they had seen in the Soviet Union, although they were not willing to accept the citizenship of that country, but after they came to the Soviet Union in September 1941, they were mainly interested in the activities of the Tudeh Party and became party members.Propagation of the Soviet regime was more common among young immigrants (Khamee, 1984, cov.2: 189).The same thing happened during the period when the Allies occupied Iran, and especially in the northern cities of Iran, the twenty years of ups and downs.The same thing has changed the economic relations and issues such as the change of land relations and, more importantly, the change in the population structure and its social relations.

Military involvement in economic activities of Reza Khan Property and conduct it
First of all, it should be noted that the particular interest of Reza Khan in northern Iran and its highlands, most of the fertile fields of Mazandaran, Gorgan and Gilan came to his personal property.Interestingly, for the administration of these properties, a special office called the Coastal Property Management Agency was formed (Derakhshani, 1986: 275).The extent of the coverage of the property that is located in different areas of northern Iran in the management of these coastal real estate is known.These operations were in seven regions of Gorgan, Behshahr, Mazandaran, Amol, Noshahr, Tonekabon and Rudsar.People working in the coastal real estate business were officers from the army who formed lower classes than colonels (Ibid: 264).Each of these workplaces has several sections that were run by stewards and military officers.The salaried rights of all these employees were paid by the First Infantry Division under the command of Maj.Gen. Karim Aqao Zarjushri.Inspection officers who were responsible for the proper functioning of the army were selected from different parts of the army.A well-equipped agricultural holding under the supervision of engineer Rahmatullah Shaybani, head of the Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Affairs and Property Management, and they also received their salaries from the Agricultural Office (Ibid: 265).

Landowners and insecurity after 20 of September
The situation with the small landowners after September 1941 caused whispers to repossess property and land, a lot of clashes between real estate agents and the surrounding areas of Chalus and Babolsar and the beatings of the bullets (Ettellat newspaper, 1941/06/29, p.1).
Accordingly, many Mazandaran owners went to sit down with the speaker of parliament and his assistants."Some of those who came from the north were settled in two rooms by the parliament in order to clarify their assignment" (Noory, 2005: 394).These sit-ins were also carried out on numerous occasions.For example, in the middle of winter of 1941, twenty of the north owners again sat in Parliament (Iran National Library and Archive 293-4992, letter of governor to ministry of interior 1941/2/9).And others in their provinces and in the telegraph of Babol and Gorgan, as well as Ali Abad Katoul, Bandar Gaz and Kojur, sat down and demanded that their property be investigated (Etelaat newspaper, 1942/01/10.p.1).These assumptions, which served as a source for the landlords' protests after September 1941, brought about a kind of chaos as well, due to the lack of a real estate manager in the area.In a report that says this is as follows: "Some of the claimants of property were transferred to real estate and willing to take owner-owned actions and interventions, they began to exploit and even the cereals and scales in the warehouses and was attacked by the Property and Bureaus and field offices for any form of misuse of claimants.As a result, a significant amount of ownership was collected by claimants of property for their benefit and prevented the intervention of estate agents" (Iran National Library and Archives 240-14397.According to Report of the Minister of Finance to the Minister of Justice 1942/5/7).This chaos was such that the claimants who replaced their state-owned real estate in other parts of the country used this chaos and took revenues from the real estate (Ibid).For example, a landowner named Fazlullah Khan, whose properties and lands were sold to someone named Aqa'bar Ahangar as a summary, has attacked people and plundered property.The same people, in the next attempt, burned down the whole tobacco factory.The chaos in this period was such that Babylonians admitted that they intervened after the events of September and the promise of the government to former owners who considered the villages to be their property, and the former home ownership interest was about twelve Toman that have been taken from peasants (President of the Documentation center of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 13-38-39-380, petition of Babolkenar peasantry).The deterioration of this situation was such that the governor warned the Tehran authorities that "if unplanned action may be taken, the uprising of the victor's insurgents may be further developed in the light and the other, and in other places, they will cause contagion and the government" (Iran National Library and Archive 293-4992, letter of governor to ministry of interior 1941/2/9).

Property ownership and fighting with religion
Other influences from the acquisition of real estate, which led to the decline of religious powers and non-reformist criteria for Reza Khan in politics, as well as the appropriation of endowed lands, Reza Khan was able to do his part in the fight against religion and undermine it.Among these measures was the importance of putting an old drawing of old berths and sitins in holy places, as well as illegalizing the general demonstrations on Eid al-Adha and women's chains during the month of Muharram.He also imposed restrictions on the mourning of the month of Muharram.In addition, Reza Khan opened the main mosques of Isfahan on foreign tourists and prevented the issuance of visas to those who wanted pilgrimages to Mecca, Medina, Najaf and Karbala, ordered medical schools to ignore the intolerance of Muslims in honor of the autopsy and most importantly, in 1939, the government ordered the government to seize all the properties and lands of the endowment.As a result, clerics have lost their influence not only in the field of politics, but also in judicial, social and economic affairs.In this regard, the British Ambassador writes about the implications of these nonreligious reforms: "The Shah, which eliminates the power of clerics, has forgotten Napoleon's premise that the fundamental goal of the religion is to prevent the destruction of the rich from the poor.Now, there is nothing to replace religion with the exception of apparent nationalism that may have been followed by the death of the Shah and chaos."

Acquisition of property and protection of landlords in line with Reza Khan
The question of repossession of real estate by Reza Khan and its relevance to changing the political trend in removing large landowners from the political arena is the high status of the presence of landlords in the parliament after the exile and the seizure of land and property of some of them.In answering this question, it should be noted that all Reza Khan's motives for land acquisition and the end of the land reform talks, the transfer of agricultural tax burdens from landowners to the peasants, and encouraging landowners to register land in their own name through the Registry Office which the estate was in line with the landlord class, but landowners who were in accordance with Reza Khan's autocratic policies and behaviors.The way he did in this area attracted some of the high-class families and others, and this caused a split between landowners.Reza Khan joined the landowners with the accumulation of wealth and marriage with a Qajar prince who was her third wife.In line with this policy, he brought his little daughter Ashraf to a member of the Qawam al-Mulk family.In this regard, Reza Khan ordered that the villagers be appointed not by locals but by landowners.Thus, he removed the villagers with the acquisition of property and the choice of landlords in line with their own main supporters.In addition, he supported them with the appointment of trusted aristocrats to important positions in parliament, the cabinet, diplomatic missions and newly established state-owned factories.For instance, while 8 percent of the first legislature and 12 percent of the fourth legislature were landowners, the ratio rose to 26 percent in the 12th parliament.Along with high-ranking government officials and non-market merchants, they accounted for 84% of the total number of Reza Khan Representatives.From the month of November 1925 to September, Reza Khan, while drawing some of the aristocratic families with them, took them from their positions as local elders, who had earned a place in the nineteenth century, and played the role of the ruling class that revolutionized it (Ebrahamyan, 1998: 187-188).
. 11 Acquisition of property in order to weaken the power of constitutionalist figures Reza Khan, following the policy of taking ownership of land, weakened the power of the constitutionalist figures.By forcing some of them to sell their land at cheap prices and depriving others of not only power and wealth, but also more of them than the freedom, dignity, and even the lives of some of them.Sepahard was threatened by a tax inspector and was forced to commit suicide.Ahmad Ghavam, who was accused of plotting against Reza Khan, escaped to Europe.Mosaddeq, spent some time in jail for his property near Tehran.Sheikh Khazaal, Smithaku and the last Ilkhan Qashqa'i died in suspicious conditions when they were under their supervision.Eight chief executions and fifteen others were sentenced to long-term imprisonment, two of whom died in prison (Ebrahamyan, 1998: 187).In examining parliamentary documents and paying attention to the sensitivities that Reza Khan had about the finance minister of the cabinet, which was introduced to the parliament after his reign, an important point regarding the seizure of real estate by Reza Khan and its political implications is the weakening of the constitutionalist figures.In analyzing this issue, first of all, the importance of the Finance Minister during the reign of Reza Khan should be considered.A year and six months after Reza Khan came to power, after the first and second cabinets of Then I insisted that I assume the Ministry of Finance, and this August 14th, the following year, I was constitutionally constituted (Taqizadeh, 1989: 217).
Actions that Taqizadeh made about facilitating the acquisition of property led his ministry to take up to three years.During the Taqizadeh ministry in the Ministry of Finance, he launched a plan in which famous constitutional figures were forced to move from their current residence to another place they were given to summarize.The important role of Taqizadeh in this matter was that, although Reza Khan did not need to carry out legal proceedings on most of the things that he did about the acquisition of land and property, Taqizadeh insisted that the plan would become law in the following years.A law called the law permitting the exchange of water and land interests of individuals to state purse as required.This law was approved by the National Assembly on May 28, 1932(Approvals Parliament the period, 8. p.2. 1932. Vol.1. p. 147).
According to the same law, the importance and sensitivity of Reza Khan to the Minister of Finance can be understood.The impact and consequences of the passage of this law, which was entrusted to Hassan Taqizadeh behind the scene, led to the transformation of the constitutional government into a tyrannical regime.In opposition to this action, many prominent figures of the Constitutional Revolution, including the owners of Khararshtagh, who were fighters and mujahideen during the Constitutional Revolution, objected.This issue can be received from letters sent to protest by various institutions.These correspondences did not work as it was under the rule of Reza Khan, and the owners of Kharashtagh were forced to sit down for a protest at the Tonekabon telegraph house.According to a report from the incident by Tahmourth of the Faghih Nusayri, the strangers were among the leaders of the clergy of the Faqih Nassiri, and in the winter of 1930, Mirza Ali Khan's fugitive Nusayri's house was gathered in a holistic way for discussion and exchange of views.The news of the gathering came to the Khybo agents, and local spies also informed the government of the matter, and they surrounded the home with the help of Sayyid Hamza Heidari, a resident of Emam Rud.Housewives, including John Jan Khan Safari, wife of Abdul Ali Faqih (Motaedid al-Sultan), are disturbing the sound of the arrest process.Created noises have been informed by the rallies.From this critical situation they were able to escape from the home of a man named Sha'ban Mansouri (Faqih Nasiri, 2004).That same night, in the village of Mosedeh, northeast of Abrood salt, he attacked the house of Mirza Abdul Ghani, the Faghih Nasiri and his brother, Mozaffar, Faghih Nasiri, and arrested them and transferred them to the judiciary of Nowshahr.The next day, Ali Aga Khan, Enayatullah Khan, Abolqasem Khan and Farajullah Khan Faghih Nasiri and other elders are also arrested and tortured in the prison of Nowshahr.Among the arrestees, Alidiosalar (Salar Fateh), Ebrahim Khan, Habibullah Khan are all Diasalar, Fethullah Khan, and Sadrullah Khan are all Ghaffari and Nasrallah Khan Hatami.They were in jail for about two years (Taghavi-Moghadam, 2010: 160-162).
One can refer to the report by Hassan Taqizadeh about Solet al-Dawlah and his lands landed by Reza Khan on how to link lands and reduce the power of the constitutional leaders and leaders who were also the leaders of the Eilat.He writes that Reza Shah was using the term "extinct" in the name of Solat al-Dawlah Qashqai."Then the real estate of the chiefs of Eilat would benefit the government.The commander of the tribes had a lawyer, Amir Mofakham Bakhtiari.He came and went to the Ministry of Finance.One day he came.He was a very sharp man.He came to my side and said, "I will not give my estate."I said, Mr. Sardar has no way?I'm afraid they'll be bothering you.After she and her son were taken, my wife, who is very wise, came to me."I ask you to take orders to take this real estate from me!" I want my son to be saved.Solatol dolleh wrote of a prison imprisonment to me that I would very well be willing to give all my estate.Because I knew that Reza Shah was very grumpy, I sent the letter straight to the Special Office.The evening came to the ministerial council and told me to console and convey to the man who handed your paper.Advise him to give the mercenary although these are not eligible.These should be eliminated!We thought we were killed.But Amir Mofkham came to me and said that he was scraping and poisoning with his blade.His son, Naser Qashqaei, also said that he did not kill me, he was scratched and poisoned with his razor (Taqizadeh, 1989: 233).
Hassan Taqizadeh writes about the cause of the hardening and confiscation of land and property of influential people: "The main thing was that the Shah frightened anyone who had crippled it.Because of his son, he wanted to eliminate everything.Her son was small.Perhaps it was also true, because if it were lost, it would have been unclear what could have been done to a person like Timurtus.Caution should be taken not to endanger people who are in danger of being intruder (Taqizadeh, 1989: 232).

Property acquisition impact on the political situation and the House
Based on this historical analysis, it is possible to find many documents that the acquisition of property somehow led to the political tyranny of Reza Khan during his reign.Reza Khan, using the army and placing it as the officials of the real estate and land he took from petty proprietors or owners, and the bureaucracy system, such as the registration of documents and court support, he was able to completely and systematically repress the political system in his service.The importance of taking possession of property in implementing this policy can be gleaned at a glance at the First to the Fifth Houses.In these courses, independent politicians competed in the cities for voting, and rural voters brought their ranks to the ranks, but during the next sixteen years, the time of Reza Khan and from the sixth to the thirteenth parliament, Reza Khan's election results and so the composition of the parliament was determined.In this regard, he was involved with the policy of taking possession of property and that power was held everywhere in Iran based on his and those who voted for him.He took this issue with the exile of the people (as he did in the case of taking over or replacing the effeminates of the most influential people in the Constitutional Revolution) and obtaining valuable lands and properties.For this purpose, he assembled a group of candidates for the interior minister in collaboration with the police chief.The interior minister also sent those names to the governors.Eventually, the governor sent the list to the election monitoring council appointed by the interior ministry.Thus, the newly qualified jurists replaced traditional Kurdish judges, introduced modest interpretations of French civil rights and Italian criminal law, some of which were in conflict with the laws of the Islamic Republic, to the legal system of Iran, and applied to private religious law, such as marriage, divorce, custody of children.For the sake of the power of throwing the scholars among the people who had influence and power, they created profitable business registers of documents, and they took power from the clergy and handed them to lay lawyers.Most importantly, the responsibility for legal recognition or the legality of legal cases has been left to the judiciary.With this approach and changing the centers and points of power that were through the real estate and land, and the relationship of the people with the traditional lords.Reza Khan was able to significantly reduce the attendance of clerics in the parliament, with their number of 24 in the fifth parliament reaching six in the tenth parliament (Shajie, 1965: 196-197).

Conclusion
The most important influences and consequences of property seizure in its political and social aspect, which resulted in the removal of the large and political owners who were involved in the constitutional movement, led the landowners who were supported by Reza Khan to the parliament and therefore led to the adoption of the Reza Khan's intended laws and the major changes in the political and social form of Iran.Because Reza Khan's approach to land acquisition and the end of the land reform negotiations, the transfer of agricultural tax from the landowners to the peasants and encourage landlords to register their lands in their own name through the land registry office.In this regard, Reza Khan took over the various conjectures of the lands of the constitutional lands and their property in order to weaken the political power.By forcing some of them to sell their land at cheap prices and depriving others of not only power and wealth, but also more of them than the freedom, dignity, and even the lives of some of them.In this regard, the important thing is the role of Seyyed Hassan Taqizadeh as the Minister of Finance and his influence on the adoption of laws to facilitate the acquisition and replacement of the property.Reza Khan's actions in interfering with the cabinet caused the constitutionalist government to become less authoritarian as well.
The impact and consequences of the passage of the law permitting the exchange of interest in As narrated, "the next day, Mr. Fazlullah Pahlavan gathered about 100 people and came to our house once.He killed the poor father with a stick and a knife.He has again commanded the plundering of property, cattle and sheep, which has plundered all the property and one hundred twenty cattle and eighty sheep of my father's father" (President of the Documentation Center of the Islamic Republic of Iran 13-38-39-356, letter of Abdollah Ahmady to chaired of house 1942/4/2).Seyfollah Khan, along with a lot of others, started collecting property ownership in the mountains (President of the Documentation center of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 13-38-39-380, petition of Babolkenar peasantry).They even went to the armed struggle with the agents.According to a document on March 19th, 1942, they fired around the General Directorate of Inland Release for the purpose of killing the head of the Property Agency,surrounded the Doha Governorate and shot four officers in the administration, and as a result one of them was victim and one was wounded.Two of them are also injured by these rebels (Iran National Library and Archives 240-27884 report of the minister of finance to minister of justice).The invaders then burned the office of the estate, but the offices did not disappear.

Foroughi
and Mostofi al-Mamalek resigned, on May 16, 1927, Shamsi Mehdiqoli Khan introduced his cabinet to the parliament, and Nusrat al-Dawlah Firouz as the tax minister is selected, but on July 6, 1929, Firouz is dismissed by the Reza Khan from the Ministry of Finance, it should be noted that Reza Khan's actions in interfering with the cabinet led to the erosion of the constitutional government as a despotic government.Hasan Taqizadeh was the one who was considered by Reza Khan for the Ministry of Finance.Taqizadeh wrote: "Reza Shah wanted me to be in the cabinet of the interior ministry and wanted to accept the ministry of finance or another ministry, and it seemed that I did not want the Ministry of Finance.I went to the Ministry of Transportation and I was in the Ministry for almost five six months.